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Opinion
Democracy is not a popularity contest. Yet.
Written by Conor Dempsey   

The arachaic use of the electoral college in US politics has to be replaced by a popular vote for real democracy, argues Conor Dempsey.

As the Democrats attempt to pass a bill to reform healthcare the spotlight is fixed on the Senate; the second house of congress is blocking a health bill backed by a majority in both houses, as well as by the President. In that house the Democrats have 57 members out of 100 and the Republicans have 41, with 2 Independents. The fact that a party with a majority of 16% is not able to pass an important bill is just one symptom of the malfunctioning United States democracy. Equally indicative of rot in the system is the grossly unfair way in which Presidents are elected, as well as a new ruling allowing corporations to fund political campaigns to any degree they wish.
The Senate rule which allows a mere 41 senators to block any bill backed by the other 59 is the filibuster. A filibuster used to be a rare event witnessed on occasion as a last ditch effort to prevent a law, which somebody had particularly strong feelings about, being passed. It used to involve an unusually long speech designed to cease the debate and stop the functioning of the house; if a filibuster went on long enough it would often result in the abandonment of a bill.
The record for the longest filibuster ever conducted in the US Senate was set by Strom Thurmond (R), who held the floor for 24 hours and 18 minutes in an unsuccessful attempt to derail the 1957 Civil Rights Bill. This sort of display of determination is probably in keeping with the intentions of the the framers of the Constitution; they hoped that the Senate would act as a cooling chamber for particularly sensitive bills. The idea was that the Senate would slow down the passage of a bill and that broader concensus would have to be reached in order to pass bills of special import. The bill did pass in the end, and was followed up with a stronger Civil Rights Bill in 1965. The southern segregationists had their last show of determination, as was their right, but democracy won in the end. Nowadays Sen. Thurmond would have a much easier task ahead of him for reasons I will explain.
One hundred years ago, in order to minimise the potentially unlimited power of the filibuster, the Senate decided to introduce the rule of cloture. This put an end to the right on which the filibuster rested, namely the right to unlimited debate. Now, if two-thirds of voting Senators voted in favor, cloture could be called to a debate and a filibuster ended. In 1975 the Senate made a further two changes; it was these changes that took the filibuster beyond the realm of cooling and into the domain of the undemocratic. It was decided that a filibuster could now be announced by 41 senators without any need to actually hold the floor; the filibuster became a simple action with no physical effort involved. It was also decided that three-fifths of the Senate membership (60 Senators) would have to vote for cloture.
Since then there has been an exponential rise in the use of the filibuster. Its ease of use has meant it has become routine. Only 41 Senators are needed to block any bill; the 41 Senators representing the smallest states account for 11% of the population. The 60 Senators representing the 30 smallest states account for 24% of the population.
Senators representing a mere 11% of the population are in theory able to block any bill voted for by senators representing the remaining 89%. Senators representing only 24% of the population can pass any bill. Surely even the most staunch supporters of the sacrosanct document that is the US Constitution can recognise that this is not democratic?
Another sign that US democracy is malfunctioning is the current state of their electoral system. In the US presidential election there is a significant risk of a presidential candidate losing an election despite having had a clear majority in the popular vote. This actually happened in 2000 when Gore had 500,000 votes more than Bush, but because of the archaic electoral college system Bush won the election. The problems with this system are many, and the arguments of its defenders are void. The electoral college is defended as a part of the American political culture, as part of the Constitution, intrinsic to the way politics in the US is supposed to operate. This sort of argument is usually presented as stemming from pride in the Constitution and faith in the wisdom of the framers. There is not, however, any mention of the electoral college in the Constitution.
As Hendrick Hertzberg noted in an essay for The New Yorker, “America has been an inspiration to people struggling for democracy. But, when it comes to actually designing the machinery, the American model has no takers - not among successful democracies at any rate. (The Philippines, Liberia, and some Latin-American countries, which have copied us, are not good advertisements)”.
There is hope that American presidential elections will begin to look more like those in other democratic countries come 2012. This is thanks to a pragmatic new program called the NPV, or National Popular Vote plan. The idea is this: states sign up to an agreement, to be enshrined in their state legislation, stating that once enough states have come on board to account for 270 electoral college votes – the number required to elect a president – then the said states will cast all their votes to whichever candidate wins a majority of the national popular vote. So far about one-fifth of the required 270 votes have been accounted for. This system introduces a popular vote without having to amend the constitution, which is an ideal but unrealistic option.
Unfortunately a recent Supreme Court ruling made a historic change to the law that deals fresh damage to the American political system. The court ruled by a divided 5-4 vote that corporations are now free to use treasury funds to back any political candidate they wish. This decision reverses the ruling of Austin vs. Michigan Chamber of Commerce, 1990. The vote rests on the interpretation of the word “person” in the 14th Amendment. The interpretation now includes corporations in some essential ways – the most important being that as far as persons have the right to aid political candidates privately under the 1st Amendment, corporations are now persons. This is an unfortunate decision for a system already plagued by the influence of money.
A question that perhaps the rest of the democratic world ought to ask: is America in a legitimate position to advance the cause of democracy worldwide? Of course, flawed democracy is usually better than no democracy, but as the leading nation of the world America ought to be an example of democracy at its best. It is only fuel for the enemies of democracy that the chief democratic crusaders seem a little shaky in their convictions.
Suppose the US did elect its president based on the percentage of the national popular vote that he received. Al Gore would have been the president from 2000 until 2004, at least. The “war on terror” would have been quite different. There is little doubt that Gore would have invaded Afghanistan; he would have been right to, or so most commentators agreed then and still agree now. He would not, though, have been so quick to believe spook stories about weapons of mass destruction hidden in Iraq; as the Iraq war reaches its seventh anniversary we should reflect on the profound way a broken American democracy can affect the rest of the world.

 
Death and destruction in Nigeria
Written by Manus Lenihan   

After hundreds were slaughtered there in January, army presence was stepped up heavily in Jos, the capital city of Plateau State, in north-central Nigeria. The security forces, however, were nowhere near the outlying village cluster of Dagan-Na-Hauwa when, over four long hours, hundreds were hacked to death on the morning of Sunday, 7th March. Jos has been the scene of mass violence in 2001, 2008, and now twice this year. The multi-ethnic former colonial mining city lies on Nigeria’s roughly Northern-Southern, Muslim-Christian divide, and the sporadic killings have been put down to ongoing feuds between the heavily segregated religious communities of Jos. The facts, however, do not fit so simple an explanation, and these periodic murderous riots and rampages are in fact a disturbing manifestation of some of Nigeria’s deepest-rooted problems, both cultural and systemic.
On 17th January, protests at the building of a mosque in a Christian area of Jos sparked off four days’ intense fighting. Mobs set aflame mosques, churches and over a thousand houses, shops and vehicles. Of the 492 who were burned, hacked or shot to death, 364 were Muslims. Among them were all 150 inhabitants of one Muslim village. Less than two months later, at 4am on 7th March, machete-wielding gangs descended on the Christian and Animist Berom community of Dagan-Na-Hauwa. They set fire to homes, used fishnets and animal traps to catch fleeing villagers and killed between 100 and 500 people. This recent slaughter has been seen as a reprisal by Muslim Hausa-Fulani herdsmen for January’s violence, but the tribe’s expansionist agenda and aggressive protection of their grazing rights have been mentioned as possible motivations. In reality, though, these two motivations are examples of the same kind of inter-ethnic power struggles which have fuelled violence in the area, and indeed throughout the country, for decades.
Tribal and village loyalties come before nationality for most Nigerians - a policeman might conspicuously fail to notice crimes committed by a kinsman, or a civil servant might promote someone from his own village over someone more qualified. While this is in no way true in most cases, it has generally been a problem in Nigeria that collective, community-based thought and action is invested not in Federal or even State government, but in tribe and village. At best, this is nothing more sinister than friendly parochial-style rivalry, but at worst it manifests itself in mass murder. Nigerian nationhood is tenuous; “Nigeria” as a word and as an entity being a more or less arbitrary creation of British imperial officials. The many groups living in this vast, rich swathe of land were ruled under imperialism as one, fought for independence as one, and have been ruled as one by military governments or a tiny political élite ever since. A complete lack of common language, identity, religion or perceived interests have stunted any effort to make a united nation of this geographical expression and have fuelled the kind of violence that has plagued Jos.
In such a context we can understand, when we consider that the Muslim Hausa-Fulani are Nigeria’s largest ethnic group, making up 30% of the population, why accusations of complicity in the recent massacres have been directed at people in high public offices. Plateau State’s governor, Jonah Jong, a Christian, was informed of the likelihood of violence as early as 9am on Saturday 6th. He passed word on to security chiefs, who failed to respond until 2.30pm on Sunday 7th - when the murderers had long since escaped after a massacre lasting four hours. The National Security Advisor has been replaced, security forces are clamping down heavily on the area and dozens of arrests and charges have been made, but more boots on the ground in and around Jos will not uproot the causes of the violence.
Protests of crowds of women in Jos and Lagos on 12th March illustrated the ethnically divided nature of Nigerian politics, as they demanded that the Northern Muslim oligarchy end their encouragement of the aggressive expansion of the Hausa-Fulani around Jos. The Hausa-Fulani are seen as “settlers” and “invaders” in Jos, despite a presence going back decades. However, they have done little to encourage integration, clustering away from the locals while expanding, often violently, outside this zone. Like the Igbo and the Yoruba, Nigeria’s other major tribes, they speak a language unintelligible to others. With rapid urbanisation as the 20th century drew to a close, such strong cultural differences became a catalyst for violence in many Nigerian cities, and today in Jos the Hausa-Fulani are expanding their power. Because “settlers” are treated as effective second-class citizens by local and state government, the Hausa-Fulani must rely on high tribal connections in the Federal establishment. These powerful Muslims identify with the Hausa-Fulani as kinsmen on a national level, and at the local level of Jos religion is an easy visual and cultural symbol for tribal affiliations. The killings therefore are a national, and not a local or a religious issue, and one which poses tough questions to Nigeria’s tribal-based politics and society.
The Most Rev. Dr. B. A. Kwashi, Anglican Archbishop of Nigeria stated, following the recent massacre, that: “In Jos we are coming face to face in a confrontation with Satan and the powers of hell.” This could easily be mistaken for part of an extreme anti-Islamic rant, but the Archbishop’s statement on the violence was more pertinent than that. He insists that religion is being used as a justification for a quest for money and power by mobs of unemployed, demoralised, hopeless young men. He believes that they are young men with no religion, no values whatsoever, made so by the hopelessness of their environment. Professor Kibiru Mata of the University of Abuja agrees. The government of Plateau State and the Federal government alike, he says, have failed to appropriate public resources in such a way as to alleviate suffering. He calls the killings “a manifestation of economic alienation”, the actions of a generation with no opportunities.
To understand why and how the Jos massacres happened, we should examine the economic realities of Nigeria today. Though the country is abundant in natural resources and production, is potentially self-sufficient and has a huge and young working population, most of its citizens live in poverty and squalor. Of the nation’s 154 million inhabitants, and of the hundreds of thousands who apply for third-level education, only 35-40,000 are accommodated in the country’s universities. 31% of Nigerians are completely illiterate. Hundreds of billions of dollars are owned by a tiny number of Nigerians and business-savvy foreigners for purposes of speculation and short-term profit, making the material basis for real progress impossible by squandering or looting the country’s potential wealth. The continuing deregulation of the oil sector is taking even more of the country’s natural wealth out of the hands of its citizens.
In this context, it is little surprise that some of the country’s tens of millions who are permanently unemployed, and the many more who are on precarious livelihoods, might resort to violence to defend what they see as their tribe’s interests, and by extension their own. The segregated and tense nature of society explains why such a small élite can seize and hold so much of the nation’s wealth with so little outcry. Struggle between rival groups, made up of the powerless and penniless, for political and economic advantage is seen as the only means of advancement. Since community consciousness goes no further than tribe or village, class-consciousness is practically nonexistent. Rival ethnic groups, victims of the same inequality, fight for the scarce resources left to them, encouraged and often given impunity by wealthier and more powerful members of their tribe. This is a battle fought at the cost of lives, most graphically illustrated by the rioting, violence and massacres that have periodically broken out in places like Jos.   
Dozens of suspects have been arrested by the time of writing, some with blood still staining their clothes. Charges have been made against many, heads in authority have metaphorically rolled and security forces are bolstering their presence around Jos. It must be recognised, however, that the occurrence of such hideous atrocities must be a sign of massive systemic and cultural problems. A suppression of the symptoms, assuming even that is achieved, will not address the root problems of inequality, disenchantment and militant ethnic division that have once more brought death and destruction to Jos.

 
Stuck in a European Monetary Funk
Written by Iseult McLister   

Greece’s terrible public finances have not just been caused by its budgetary extravagance but credit-rating agencies have also been cited as triggers of its economic misfortune by having unhelpfully downgraded Greek government bonds. France and Germany have called for an investigation into the so-called “naked” trading of sovereign CDSs and some blame has been shifted onto the unprincipled speculators who had bet against bonds, helping to increase borrowing costs. One other problem for Greece has been the lack of a central Eurozone authority for helping out cash-strapped countries. Even worse for the nation, the ECB is going to tighten up its lending rules again after the deceleration of the global recession. The country will find it difficult to borrow if Moody’s Investors Service cuts Greece’s credit rating, meaning its government bonds would no longer be collateral at the central bank. The Greek Prime Minister George Papandreou recently designated €4.8 billion of additional deficit cuts in a bid to convince other European nations and investors he could regain control of the budget. The government aims to reduce its shortfall below the EU’s 3% of GDP limit by 2012. An “EMF” (European Monetary Fund) has been proposed to help deal with Greece’s problems and German Chancellor Merkel and Finance Minister Schäuble seem serious about the scheme. According to the Financial Times, some have accused them of using the idea to persuade German public opinion and “prepare a short-term fire brigade operation for Greece”. By the time an EMF could be set up, however, it would be irrelevant to Greece. The purpose of the fund now would be to ensure that a repeat of the Greek situation could be prevented in any other European nations in the future. A Greek official said to the FT on 10th March that: “Support from European partners is key in this kind of situation. An institutional format such as an EMF would be an advantage for us or any other small Eurozone country.”
When Schäuble brought up the idea of an EMF, he said it would act as a lender to Eurozone countries that could not raise funds in capital markets. It would not be a “competitor” to the IMF (based in Washington, DC) but it would try to regulate the fiscal policies of negligent member countries. Jean-Claude Trichet, European Central Bank President, hinted that he might support the proposals and some ECB policymakers are supportive of the plans to strengthen the political effectiveness of Europe’s 11-year-old monetary union. The rules governing the operation of the single currency proscribe a bailout for a country on the brink of insolvency. Mr. Trichet has backed the idea that in extreme cases outside help should be provided. Greece is supportive of the proposal as a potential lifebelt to get it out of its debt crisis. There are no major policies to change the central bank’s workings, however, and Trichet said in a speech at Stanford recently that: “We view the pre-crisis operational framework as a very natural reference point for our phasing-out process.” The ECB has “relatively little reason to change fundamentally what has served our monetary policy well, both in normal and crisis times”. He also said that “we do not wish to breed dependency” and therefore “...a delayed exit from extraordinary liquidity support would distort market behaviour and misallocate credit”.
The European Commission has been using powers recently instated by the Lisbon treaty to establish more “budgetary surveillance” on the 16 participatory countries. More economic policy co-ordination between the nations is seen as an essential tactic in preventing a repeat of the Greek situation and European Commissioner for Economic and Financial Affairs, Ollie Rehn said that: “The Greek case is a potential turning point for the Eurozone; if Greece fails and we fail, this will do serious and maybe permanent damage to the credibility of the European Union. The euro is not only a monetary arrangement, but a core political project of the European Union ... In that sense, we are at a crossroads.” A new single currency regime will be unveiled next month by Rehn of “rigorous surveillance of national budgets”. Also Eurostat is to be given new auditing powers over Eurozone member states.
Axel Weber, Bundesbank President, had warned that the proposals would be a distraction from attempts by countries such as Greece to bring their public sector deficits back under control and the French Finance Minister, Christine Lagarde, said that it was not an “absolute priority” for the European Union. The idea would most likely be met with much resistance from elsewhere in Europe if it required changes to European Union treaties and Angela Merkel has acknowledged an EMF could not be set up without changes to the EU, which seems a daunting task. Other policymakers have argued that Europe would be better served by finding ways to work better with the IMF instead of setting up an entirely new institution because the ECB’s big worry is that an undertaking could undermine the effective implementation of the EU’s financial policies. Stephanie Flanders of the BBC believes that the economic problems afflicting the Eurozone PIGS (Portugal, Ireland, Greece and Spain) are serious and that there are two big issues standing in the way of the liquidity solution. There is the problem, firstly, of diverging European competitiveness. It is essential that countries in trouble, such as Greece, try to restore their competitiveness and this can only be achieved with more balanced growth. Solvency is the other problem and many economists think that the floundering members of the Eurozone are going to come out of the process of restoration with unsustainable levels of public debt. A mechanism to effectively restructure sovereign debt is what is required and according to one American financial expert, Carmen Reinhart, “an organisation that could oversee orderly sovereign defaults in the Eurozone would fill a useful gap in the existing financial architecture...the Eurozone needs a crisis response mechanism for dealing with the likes of Greece.” It also needs “bold new policy initiatives”. This would help Eurozone countries expand, grow, and restore together.

 
The last Year of the Indian Tiger?
Written by Alice Stevens   

“It’s not another tiger crisis, it’s the final one,” says Belinda Wright, head of the Wildlife Protection Society of India, in reference to the dwindling population of tigers worldwide. This decline is most serious in India which is home to 40% of the world’s tigers, with 23 tiger reserves in 17 states. Last year was the worst year for tiger deaths since 2002. It seems apparent current measures taken towards preserving the species are ineffectual and that the situation has reached crisis point. Decisions made by the Indian government in the next few years will determine whether the tiger, the National Animal of India and a symbol of strength, intelligence and endurance, will continue to exist in the wild.
At the turn of the last century, there were an estimated 45,000 tigers in India. Due to excessive and extravagant hunting among India’s elite and the destruction of habitat throughout the 20th century, by the time the Wildlife Protection Act was introduced in 1972, the number of tigers in India had dwindled to approximately 1,800. The challenge was a daunting one. However, there was hope for the tiger. The Prime Minister of India, Indira Gandhi launched Project Tiger and forests were set apart where tigers could live under special protection. Numbers started to rise but urbanisation, business exploitation of the forests, tourism and - most seriously - poaching have prevented substantial recovery and now threaten to bring about the extinction of tigers in the Indian wilderness.
Tigers are poached for their body parts; the skins are prized in fashion and their bones are used in Chinese medicines. Poaching is a lucrative business. Tiger pelts can fetch up to $12,500 on the Chinese market. Because of the incentives for poaching, it is imperative that there are strong deterrents against such activity and that the tiger sanctuaries are tightly secured. Unfortunately, this is not the case. According to Dharmendra Khandal, the Field Biologist for Tiger Watch, the authorities are always the last to act and poachers can easily elude the guards. The forest security suffers from inefficiency and complacency; Fateh Singh claims the authorities are too preoccupied with tourism and VIP outings to spend adequate time on protection.
The failure of the authorities to put a stop to poaching is an embarrassment for individual reserves and a blow to the national image. Subsequently, the figures of tigers in India’s reserves are often exaggerated and incidents of poaching are not reported. “They are always saying that the numbers are on the increase, but there is no proper scientific research. They are lying to save their skins. If they have a problem they should declare it. The authorities like only praise,” says Fateh Singh, the founder of Tiger Watch. Furthermore, the figures are distorted by ineffectual and unreliable methods of counting based on pug marks. New camera techniques have been introduced and recent reports place the tiger population in India at 1,411. However, few experts believe this figure and some conservationists have estimated a count as low as 800. 
Clearly, the government lacks the drive and efficiency to protect their tiger population. Luckily there are non-government organisations and groups who have taken it upon themselves to protect tigers and their habitat. One of these groups is Tiger Watch. Tiger Watch is a privately-funded organisation set up 12 years ago to curb the decline of wildlife in the Ranthambhore reserve, one of India’s most popular tiger reserves. Having worked closely with the police to tackle the most serious threat to tiger security in the reserve – poachers from the Moghiya tribe - Tiger Watch has helped the police arrest 47 alleged poachers from the tribe. The association has also worked with the Moghiya tribe, providing education and jobs for the women as well as employing informers in an attempt to change the culture and perception of these tiger-hunting people.
Another active group exists in the Periyar tiger reserve in Kerala, where 76 women have taken protection of the tiger into their own hands. Known as the Vasanta Sena (Green Army), they venture into the forest every day to patrol for poachers. Each woman takes one day off work a week to volunteer. One such woman is Gracycutty. “Here we breathe the best air in the world and we are dedicated to protecting it,” she says. “I think if there is only one tiger left in the world in the end, it will be here.”
Such efforts are admirable but the threat faced by the tiger is too serious to be solved by individual organisations; a complete reform of the system and an active interest on the part of the government are necessary in order to preserve the tiger population. However, the instability of the Indian political climate makes this very difficult. Maoist guerillas or Naxalites, who have been singled out as the greatest threat to Indian security have overrun at least six of the parks. Under these circumstances research and preservation are impossible for the forest department.
So what hope exists for the tiger? Some think a captive breeding system will ensure the continuation of the population but tigers bred in captivity have yet to integrate into the wild. Furthermore, this measure would only work if the tigers’ habitats are sustained. Fateh Singh is hopeful in the tiger’s capacity to endure. However conservationist and tiger expert Aditya Singh is not so sure. He believes that once the connections between the reserves break down, there will be no hope for the tiger. “There are still connections between the reserves, but in five years they won’t be there,” he says. “I think the tigers have five years. They will stay in isolated pockets, but they will have reached an evolutionary dead end.” The issues affecting the tiger reflect larger problems faced by the country.
The tiger is a victim of overpopulation, illiteracy, poverty, inefficiency and insurgency. Solving these issues is essential for the fate of the tiger but also for the Indian nation.

Tiger Facts

All species of panthera tigris are classified as endangered-to-critically endangered.

There are only an estimated 5,000–7,000 tigers in the wild of all subspecies.

There are six sub-species: Amur, Bengal, Indochinese, Malayan, South China and Sumatran.

The other three known sub-species– Bali, Caspian and Javan– became extinct during the course of the twentieth century.

The Amur tiger was almost hunted to extinction in the 1940s, when it was estimated only 40 or so individuals remained in the wild. Today there are an estimated 500.

 
Old Trinity: A 90-degree university
Written by Peter Henry   

A QUICK look at the 2010 Statutes reveals the remarkable number of degrees which the University of Dublin awards or has awarded in the past. Just over 90 different degrees are listed, ranging from the venerable BA to odd new creations like the BStSu (bachelor in deaf studies, or baccalaureus in studiis surditatis). And this doesn’t include the various licentiates once awarded by the university, or the lucrative diplomas which the college hands out.
All of the university’s degrees are associated with a colourful hood. Along with the hoods, bachelors and masters both have distinct gowns, and doctors wear colourful gowns in the colours of their degree’s hood.
Several of our degrees are no longer awarded. The bachelor in veterinary medicine and the bachelor in agriculture, among others, lost out during rationalisation in the late 1960s, when these schools moved to UCD. And the DD, as I noted in a recent column, seems to have been abandoned for no particular reason.
The proliferation of degrees seems to have little logic behind it. There’s the bachelor in science, for example, and then many versions of it: the BSc (Hum Nut), the BSc (Syst Inf), and so on, each with its own multiple-word Latin name. Several other degrees have similar parenthetical variations. Why these degrees had to be created is a mystery: perhaps it was thought that a specially named degree would more easily attract candidates.
The university survived quite well until the mid-19th century with just 10 degrees: these were BA, MA, BD, DD, LLB, LLD, MB, MD, MusB and MusD – arts, divinity, law, medicine and music, respectively. Degrees in surgery and obstetrics were the first additions to this list. The need for honorary degrees to award at the tercentenary in 1892 then led to the introduction of the LittD and ScD (letters and science). These degrees were also a response to the disappearance of clerical Fellows, who would previously have been content with the DD.
The most popular doctorate is now the doctor in philosophy, but this was not available until 1920. Dublin University agreed with other UK universities to introduce this degree in response to American pressure – students from the United States wanted the magic letters PhD after their names. Despite this the award proved initially unpopular, and even in the mid-1940s only 10 a year were being taken. (Oxford, interestingly, awards a DPhil rather than a PhD.)
While most graduates earned their degrees via study here at Trinity College, there are several other ways of taking a DU degree. These can usually be recognised by italicised letters after the degree.
Degrees honoris causa are honorary degrees, and these are usually one of the higher doctorates, but sometimes the MA. These are handed out to a lucky few every year to recognise the recipients’ contributions to learning, society, culture or the university.
The jure officii degree – usually the MA – is relatively common. These are usually taken by graduates of other universities who take up academic posts at this university. Members of staff with more than 40 years’ employment in the college are also eligible to apply for a j.o. degree.
The Calendar always points out honorary degrees – have a look to see if any of your lecturers have h.c. noted after a doctorate. For some reason MAs j.o. are just given as MA, making it impossible to know if someone has upgraded his Dublin B to an M, or if he has been awarded the degree jure officii.
A degree jure dignitatis can be awarded to a Trinity alumnus who has distinguished himself in his area of expertise. These seem to have been forgotten in recent years, but judges and bishops were once regularly admitted to degrees in this way.
Another often-forgotten route to a DU degree is via Oxford or Cambridge. A degree ad eundem gradum (usually abbreviated ad eund Oxon or ad eund Cantab, depending on the degree holder’s original university) may be taken here by graduates of either of these ancient universities. An Oxbridge graduate is entitled to take the same degree in Dublin – though not a doctorate, and subject to a large fee – if he joins the college’s academic staff or plans to read for a higher degree here. You may also do the same with your Dublin degree at those universities.
All of this is obscure to the modern student. But in 1935 it was the subject of satire in the undergraduate periodical TCD: A College Miscellany. LJD Richardson, MA 1916, who went by the pen-name El Jadir, wrote regular satirical pieces under the title Episodes in the History of Trinity College, Dublin. In one he noted the existence of other methods of obtaining a degree, among which you may recognise your own.
El Jadir suggested alieno capite – by impersonation – not an easy one for a non-twin to pull off. There may be a few holders of the codicillis celatis degree – with the help of notes secretly introduced to the Examination Hall. Many can boast a BA interventione Caeli ­– by a miracle. And how many claim a degree vicini contaminatione – by copying from a neighbour’s answer book? You can read El Jadir’s full list at trinitynews.ie/oldtrinity.

THE SOCIETY of St Vincent de Paul was founded in 1833 to serve the poor of Paris. A Catholic charitable organisation, it was founded by Blessed Frédéric Ozanam, and named after the 17th-century saint Vincent de Paul.
The group’s “SVP” logo is well known. So why does the Dublin University St Vincent de Paul Society, which was founded in 1975, use the strange three-letter acronym “VDP”? Is it to avoid the word “saint”?
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Head to Head: Hostage Ransoms
Written by Louise Fitzgerald & James Kelly   

‘Reality cheques’

The politics of hostage-taking and negotiation have always been fraught with difficulty. With each individual hostage situation comes new problems that have to be surmounted in attempts to ensure the safe release of victims. One of the key issues governments must face is whether or not to negotiate with hostage-takers. Governments of countries such as Britain and America adopt a firm stance refusing to make concessions of any sort. Although they are justified in not conceding to demands that are political in nature, such as the release of prisoners, in situations which are purely monetary, the principle of non-negotiation does far more harm than good.
The main justification used to defend their stance is the belief that payment of ransoms will encourage further hostage-takings. However this need not be the case. By following correct procedures and keeping the payment of ransoms secret which, given it is in the interest of both governments and hostage-takers alike, is a realistic endeavour, the safe release of hostages and the future safety of citizens can be ensured.
The reality is that, regardless of whether ransom payments are being made or not, hostage-taking will continue to occur. Although diplomacy should be considered paramount, once diplomatic avenues are exhausted governments must be prepared to consider the payment of ransoms and their point-blank refusal to do so has time and time again led to the prolonged suffering and tragic deaths of innocent citizens.
The plight of the British couple Paul and Rachel Chandler, who were taken hostage by Somali pirates over five months ago, is one such case. The refusal to pay the ransom has led to the Chandlers’ ordeal of being held for over 152 days in captivity in the Somalia desert and the violation of their fundamental rights to freedom, and resulted in both prolonged psychological and physical trauma. This must be considered an unacceptable injustice on the part of the British government, when they could so easily secure the release of the couple by the simple payment of a ransom.
Indeed the payment of ransoms has been proven as the most effective and successful method of ensuring the safe release of hostages. The prominent kidnap of five-year-old British citizen Sahil Saeed in Pakistan is most recent testament to this. The case of Sahil sparked international interest and speculation with false reports of his release, acquisitions of the involvement of his family in his kidnap and rumours regarding the payment of a ransom. However out of the speculation it emerged that the payment of a ransom of some £110,000 had led to the release of Sahil and the subsequent arrest in Spain of those involved in his kidnap. Fortunately in this case government principles were not allowed to be valued above the life of an innocent five-year-old.
Ultimately when deciding on whether ransoms should be paid, it comes down to how much a human life is worth. By refusing to pay ransoms, governments are quite literally gambling with human lives.

Louise Fitzgerald

 

‘Slippery slopes’

The recent Pakistani abduction of a British child, Sahil Saeed, by armed robbers from his grandmother’s home in Punjab has sparked worldwide interest. The abductors reportedly demanded £100,000 in ransom to be paid for the child’s safe return. The whole institution, if one could call it that, of ransom and kidnapping invite a very interesting debate. Should the ransom be paid? And if it should, who should pay it? This is not the first time this debate has surfaced and I am sure it won’t be the last but I have to argue that these ransoms should not be paid. It’s not a minority view, virtually all governments back the argument of not negotiating with abductors and they discourage third parties from doing so also.
The big picture needs to be looked at when discussing this issue. While it may seem cruel not to pay the ransom, by paying a precedent is set. For example, say an Irish citizen is abducted tomorrow and the ransom is a million euro, should the government pay? It’s a slippery slope because by agreeing to pay a ransom and deal with the abductors, a government is opening itself and its citizens to further danger. Suddenly every Irish citizen becomes a target because the Irish government has showed its willingness to pay ransoms, thus endangering a whole lot more people. So, while it may seem harsh by not paying the ransom you are taking a hardline approach to the abductors and showing them that the government is not willing to negotiate with what is essentially a form of terrorism. By not paying, potentially hundreds of lives and millions of euro could be saved.
In monetary terms, if the ransom were paid, the money would only go back into abductions or other unsavoury things, like international human trafficking or the drug trade. By paying a ransom, the government or third party are in some way endorsing what these abductors do and serving to further their cause. Another monetary issue is whether governments could actually afford the ransoms in the long run. If the initial ransoms are paid, it would only fuel abductors to ask for more and more money as abductions intensified. Ireland, for example, is probably in enough debt as it is and not to drag up the “economic downturn” line, but truly it would be prohibitively expensive to pay what would eventually end up as a series of ransoms.
From the point of view of the government, several political reasons exist for not paying ransoms. Central to this is that if a government initially pays ransoms but decides to stop when a limit is reached, there would be a severe backlash from the public. The government would be vilified for paying and then again when they decide to stop paying ransoms. Questions would begin to be asked about government actions, thus undermining government power.
The argument most people put forward in favour of paying ransoms is usually that if they were held hostage, they would want the government to do something. Sadly, this is not feasible. While people may hate to hear it, the bigger picture – the safety of all a country’s citizens must be taken into account and paying a ransom would cause many more problems in the long term than what it would solve.

James Kelly

 
Society Diary: CSC Awards
Written by Sorcha Pollack   

Going to university is seen as the opportunity to broaden your mind, educate yourself on the works of Nietzsche, Rousseau and Marx. Before arriving in college you are vaguely aware of the wild social life that students lead, yet as a teenager you tend to link that with going out to clubs every night. I, for one, never imagined the wide-ranging pool of societies and activities which awaited me as I walked through Front Arch for the first time a few years back. Societies are what make a university tick. They’re where you meet the friends you’ll never lose contact with. They’re the places where you can finally act like the complete weirdo that you are, and no one will judge you for it. They are what make your four years in Trinity College. I wonder, though, how many students are fully aware of the amount of work that goes into the running of a society, and the number of societies which exist on campus? The CSC is the place for the answers to these questions.
Until this year, the Central Societies Committee was, for me, a group of people I heard of now and again in passing. It has only been in recent months that I’ve come to understand what their work on campus entails and more importantly how it affects the societies we all treasure so dearly. The main event of the academic year for the CSC is the awards season. Unfortunately I am not talking about the Oscars, Césars or Baftas, but the CSC do put together a pretty good show when it comes to rewarding the hard work of Trinity’s societies. I discovered this last week when I got the opportunity to tag along and see what happens on the night when everyone gives everyone else a pat on the back.
It was a revelation for me to sit in the packed Hilton Hotel dining room and look around at all the different people filing in for the awards. Of course, in black-tie they all looked slightly smarter than their usual bedraggled student selves, yet I was surprised to see many familiar faces of people I didn’t know were involved in society activities. It is easy to forget the huge amount of energy and labour which is necessary to hold a society together. With over one-hundred societies on campus I don’t know why I was surprised by the number of people attending the awards. Everyone was there; that girl who sits across from you in the library, that guy who always seems to be hanging around outside having a smoke, even that girl you met during your own Freshers’ Week and hadn’t seen since. With groups ranging from the Joly Geological Society to the Comedy Society, the mix of people was fantastic. It really was a true insight into the eclectic mix of people who make Trinity the great university that it is.
It made sense to start the night off with the awards, before the food or drink arrived. I can see this now in hindsight, looking back on the dancing queens who graced the dance floor with their moves the moment the DJ kicked off. Somehow I don’t think those shaking hips would have been hugely appreciated during the awards ceremony. And so the evening kicked off with the prize-giving. The Visual Arts Society jumped up first to grab the Best Small Society award, soon followed by the Photographic Society for Best Medium Society. However, it was the prize for Best Large Society which grabbed my attention the most.
I won’t deny that during my first two years in Trinity I was very active in this society, therefore some may feel that my view of this group of people is somewhat biased. Yet I like to think, having spent the last two years slightly more distanced from them, that I can objectively assess the work they do. This year DU Players has been very successful at becoming a more accessible, interesting, fun and diverse society. From an impressive Freshers’ Week calendar to nights with recognised faces such as Bill Nighy and Stephen Berkoff, I’m not surprised that Players scooped up this award. A lot of the credit must go to the chairperson of this society. Ross Dungan, who, quite unsurprisingly may I add, won Best Individual this year in addition to being chairperson of the Best Large Society. Although many of us may question whether his degree has survived this year, Ross has succeeded in turning DU Players back into one of the best societies on campus. All societies have their up and down years, and it seemed that recently Players had begun to fall a bit off the radar when it came to recognition from the CSC. But this year, under the chair of Dungan, they have jumped back into the spotlight.
One of the more entertaining moments of the night was when the winner of Best Fresher was announced. I think that most people will agree when I say that seeing that chair of Singers, Robbie Blake, bounding up with excitement and enthusiasm to collect this award was slightly bemusing. Hold on, isn’t Robbie Blake in second-year and wasn’t the winner of the prize called Cian McCarthy? It seems this problem was rectified later in the night, or so I am led to believe from the photo which is posted on the CSC website.
The main moment came after we had been fed and watered, when Best Overall Society was announced. Through the screams and shouts of congratulations, I was happy to hear that the winner was the St. Vincent de Paul Society. The members of committee were full of smiles as they were presented with their award to the sounds of a standing ovation from the audience. A short but sweet speech from Seán Flynn, the chair of the society, brought the prize-giving to a slightly noisy and excited end.
And so my first and unfortunately final experience of the CSC ball came to a close with some hardcore breaking it down on the dancefloor. Having written this column on various society events over this year, it was a great experience to find myself immersed amongst all the creative groups and clubs of our university. And of course, many thanks to the CSC for a wonderful night. As for the societies, keep up the good work. You’re made the past four years some of the most memorable of my life.

 
Personal injury – the best bet to ride out the recession
Written by Orla Donnelly   

Her name was Robin; she was five years old when she fell off the moon walk – a half moon climbing frame, a thrilling favourite in the school’s yard. Her leg was in a cast for six weeks. The school had to remove the playground – it is fair to say that I have never gotten over the emotional trauma of seeing the caretaker hack that wondrous see-saw to pieces. But the most painful thing to swallow; Robin wasn’t even supposed to have gone on the moon walk – she broke the rules in the first place. But even rulebreakers and trespassers have recourse under Irish law.
If you accumulated the monies paid out in 2008 by the Government, companies and private individuals to compensate claims for personal injuries, you could buy every player in Manchester United, every pair of shoes ever designed by Monolo Blahnik, twice, or some other item that costs in the region of €280 million.
When did a sincere “sorry” become insufficient? I am not referring to the true cases of injury; those described by the PIAB’s Book of Quantum as significantly ongoing injuries or serious and permanent conditions. I understand that loss of a substantial nature should be relieved in so far as possible, although in many cases of real suffering money is of little more assistance than a bandage to a corpse.
But the “trivial” claims, those regarding substantially recovered injuries, are brought more and more frequently – and not for the primary motive of ensuring no one else suffers the same fate. I myself considered taking legal action in an effort to redeem my own pain and suffering as I watched the third consecutive Tangle Twister fall from the stick to its doom outside the shop. Instead I settled for a letter begging HB to position the sticks through the centre of that strawberry, frozen-iced goodness. They gave me a free ice cream but more importantly a promise to try their best in the future. However to most claimants such a promise would be insufficient; those of the likes of Mr. McWilliams, who is claiming for approximately the 10th time (his memory it seems is as flawed as the coordination of his feet). They seek damages.
The notion of damages in Tort is as a means to put the injured party in the position they would have been in, had the incident never occurred; encompassing the reimbursement of medical expenses, loss of income (past, present and future), and the relief of pain and suffering. This last aspect can be abused; damages are becoming disproportionate, and more frequently a method to fund the family trip to Mallorca.
Frightened about the prospect of unemployment, terrified that your degree won’t be worth the paper it’s written on? Ireland today has the answer; earn a livelihood from clumsiness and fall over. The Personal Injuries Assessment Board (PIAB), or Personal Injuries Board as it’s now known, will be happy to inform you what your leg, kidney or nose is worth in one simple click of the mouse.
We are bargain hunters by nature, but do these people claiming for an Ouchy or Boo-boo ever consider the real cost of their claims?
Obviously if you claim against a private individual the face of the person whose money you are taking will be abundantly clear, but what of the companies who are inundated by personal injury claims? Insurance premiums for the respondent company will inevitably rise, all because you didn’t notice that piece of paper on their floor and twisted your ankle. Against a large company that might not be viewed as the little man sticking it to the big bad corporation, they have more than enough money to go around. But smaller industries who are already struggling could go under as a result of such claims. Plaintiffs do not measure the effect their actions may have on the livelihoods of employees; is a broken finger worth some mother’s son’s job?
Many of these “substantially recovered” personal injuries claims are directed against the local authorities, aka the government, its servants or agents. Subsequently if you do get compensation along with that money I propose you then lose your right to complain that they are misappropriating funds!
Then there is the added cost to the public at large of making such a claim that is overlooked as claimants fill in the online form. Money makes its familiar migration from the taxpayers’ pockets to fund the running of the Courts and the Injuries Board, money that could undoubtedly be better spent.
Frivolous claims irrespective of whether it is a faceless corporation or the man over the back wall equates to court enabled robbery and it is shameful.
But I fear I may be alone in this thought as litigation fever infests deeper in our society. In Ireland today is it any wonder that more and more schools have banned running in their playgrounds? However if the “say sorry, shake hands and we’re all friends again” technique is responded to by the less blameless infant with a cry of “NEGLIGLENCE”, precautions must be taken.
Robin’s parents didn’t think about the rest of us; their child broke the rules and they profited. When other parents are teaching that forgiveness is key and accidents happen, perhaps they were of the now widely held school of thought in our pro-litigation society. A school that teaches:
“That Humpty Dumpty sat on the wall,/ and Humpty Dumpty had a great fall, /Tragically all the kings’ horses and all the kings’ men /Couldn’t put Humpty together again. But thankfully dear Humpty was blameless and now he owns half of the kingdom!”

 
The enraged anti-Catholic mob
Written by Eamonn Hynes   

The angry mob that has sprung up in response to Church paedophila needs to calm down, according to Eamonn Hynes.

There’s nothing like a good paedophile story to drum up the outraged, liberal-media-reading masses; most of whom have never experienced the horrors of child abuse, nor are they charged with cleaning up the mess left behind by a bunch of sick perverts. Cribbing and moaning from the sidelines and making snipes at the Catholic Church are the tactics of a coward and symptoms of their ignorance. It is in an air of calm that I write this piece in support of the Irish Catholic Church and in support of the Irish clergy in their mission to cleanse the institution and continue on the path of repentance, healing and renewal.
First off, we should calm down. Is one really that interested in the kind of slippery implication that one reads about in the holier-than-thou Irish media who bandy about terms such as “misprision of felony” and the 1937 Offences Against the State Act like bullies in a school yard. The fact is that in order for a person to be guilty of a crime (such as this Section 17 of the Offences Against the State Act that we hear about so often), proof of fault, culpability or blameworthiness in both behaviour and mind is required. Some of the stuff I’ve read in recent weeks would lead you to believe that Pope Benedict is the anti-Christ and Cardinal Brady one of his evil minions. But getting back to the issue that caused shock-waves of outrage across the nation, I say this: The then-Fr. Sean Brady never at any stage consciously acted to further harm an abuse victim with an accompanying level of mens rea. Yes, Fr. Brady was a man in a position of responsibility, but I do not believe for one moment that he purposely acted to expose more children to the care of a sex pervert. Brendan Smyth went on to abuse children after Fr. Sean Brady interviewed him, wrote his report and sent it on to his Bishop, but to say that this is because of an act or an act of omission on the part of Cardinal Sean Brady 35 years later is a farce. We’d better start building prisons, because if we’re going to hold leaders of all institutions to those kinds of standards, we need to round ‘em all up, drag ‘em all before the judiciary (themselves of course squeaky clean in matters pertaining to child abuse and child pornography) and imprison them in a dungeon. There are plenty of company directors in the construction sector who have seen people killed under their watch: a tragedy that cannot be undone. Any right-minded Christian will acknowledge that the death or serious injury of a worker is a tragedy and that seeking vengeance against those higher up the hierarchy is futile and counter-productive in the process of grieving and recovering from life’s setbacks. There’s a big difference between the justice demanded by the angry mob and the type that civilised society dispenses. We must also remember that there are different standards of accountability in society, in that those who work 40 hours per week can engage in their little perversions outside office hours, unlike priests who are on duty 24 hours a day and cannot be “sacked” no matter how grave their crimes.
The Church is an earthly institution run by humans with human failings and human temptations. It has been this way since the time of the Apostles. There have been terrible Popes in its 2,000-year history, not to mention lots of scandal. But that is not the real story of the Church: the Church is the largest charitable organisation in the world, has been responsible for the conversion of hundreds of millions in Africa, is the bedrock of the great European cultures, motivates and inspires over a billion people all over the globe to follow in the footsteps of Christ, has played a central role in the peace process of Northern Ireland and provides a moral blueprint for life in the family and life in the community. Modern capitalism, the culture of consumerism and globalised business do not take human factors into account when deciding how to maximise their profit margins – a nation full of dumbed-down, individualistic, intoxicated consumer types who live on top of one another in apartment blocks and are continually in debt is their goal: not happiness, family life and divine sustenance. Bourgeois society with all its pretensions of decency and morality is hypocritical when it comes to the matter of child abuse. So what’s all this got to do with perverted priests? Well, be very careful what you wish for: if one wishes for the ruin of the Church, what will it be replaced with? The model for society that we currently have, complete with public drunkenness, violent crime, teenage pregnancies, widespread sexual perversion, abortion, drug-taking, murder, rape and the birth of a social underclass who will never work a day in their lives? What those who knock the Church know full well and artfully suppress, is that any system that operates on such a scale will occasionally make mistakes, even bad ones, since all human institutions are manned by people with human weakness. We must strive for perfection, minimise mistakes and when mistakes do occur, they must be rectified. The bien-pensant Church-bashers fear their censure and crave approbation: they are quick to point the finger and not in the habit of examining themselves. They don’t have the mechanisms of accountability that currently exist in the Church, having been instigated several years ago from the highest levels of the clergy. The fact is that young childing are safer in the hands of the Church than any other organisation in the country as no other organisation has such a rigorous vetting scheme and child protection procedures.
The Pope’s letter to the Catholic people in Ireland which was read out in every Church across the land last Sunday gives us much to think about and highlights the current challenges and future work that needs to be done. While some will never be happy no matter what the Pope writes (ultimately, even if they had his head on a plate, they would not be satisfied), the opus Dei must go on. It is not often that a Pontiff addresses the island of Ireland in such a direct manner. Having one of the world’s greatest intellectuals write over 4,000 of the most humble and apologetic of words on this particular issue demonstrates just how serious this matter is in the minds of the most senior clergy in Rome. I don’t expect this post-Celtic Tiger society of ours to embrace the words of the Pope quite just yet: there are still a lot of closed hearts to be healed, but I do expect that at some point in the future, we will look back and see the direct intervention and solemn apology from Pope Benedict as a major milestone in the purification of the Irish Church.
Cardinal Brady’s moving St. Patrick’s Day homily made several references to his own failings, the plight of abuse victims and the Church’s duty to them. He equated the challenges currently facing Irish Catholicism with those faced by St. Patrick when he managed to lead a nation of pagans to the way of Christ. Brady openly acknowledged that he is a sinner, just like St. Peter who, when asked by God to become a fisher of men, replied: “Leave me Lord, I am a sinful man.” Cardinal Brady took office in 2007 and his primary duty since then has been in tackling the child abuse issue head-on in the spirit of Christ. This is no easy feat. The 71-year-old has taken on this task, probably the most challenging of his life, with a level of fortitude that most men half his age would balk at. He has managed to achieve all this in the most sensitive, soft-handed manner in which the recompense of abuse victims is central and the Gospel is his guiding light.
That said, his journey has not ended and there is much still to be done. This sinner wishes for Cardinal Brady to remain steadfast through these difficult times and expects that he will bring repentance and healing to the Catholic Church.

 
Drugs aren’t all bad, m’kay
Written by Conor James McKinney   

The country is presently in a tizzy over legal highs and their source, the infamous head shops. In the UK, a more immediate outcry has arisen out of the deaths of two men who had taken mephedrone while out clubbing. The Labour Party here has published a bill that would force head shops to apply for planning permission before opening, while the government is reportedly planning to ban a range of well-known legal highs. (If I were in government and listened to Joe Duffy, I’d make damn sure it were reported that I was planning to ban this stuff, too, whatever the truth of it.)
So far, so good, or at least so expected. The reason for this outcry and response is that the vast majority of people do not believe the simple proposition that “Drugs are rarely intrinsically harmful if used in a safe way”. They are more comfortable with the South Park Thesis that “Drugs are bad, m’kay”.
Take mephedrone. This is a legal substance related to qat, a stimulant used widely in some Arab and African countries. It produces a mild feeling of euphoria, mild physical side-effects and a not-so-mild psychological dependency (this should be contrasted with physical dependence, as you’d get with nicotine). In other words, you might try it, mightn’t like to keep on using it, but if you do nothing very bad would happen.
The men who died on Scunthorpe last week had taken it in combination with alcohol and methadone, the heroin substitute that is given to recovering addicts. That’s about all I know about the matter, but it’s enough to reinforce my view that mephedrone is nothing to worry about. Even if it did have something to do with the tragedy of these men’s deaths, over and above the other two drugs, I think that, quite frankly, mixing alcohol and methadone with anything would be bloody dangerous. Unfortunately, adding anything stronger than Cidona to that mixture was risky, and I don’t think the poor guys who died from it didn’t know that. They just chose to go for it regardless.
The hysteria of legal highs here has reached such a pitch that, as the blogger Twenty Major pointed out at the time, those engaged in the scaremongering bear some of the culpability for the subsequent arson attacks. Even where the protests are non-violent, they certainly aren’t based on long years of reflection on the minutiae of drugs policy. The Irish Examiner reports one Cork-based Labour councillor as calling for an examination of the head shop issue “from the ground up and the top down”. Marvellous. Meaningless. But it’ll play well in Clon, no doubt.
It’s interesting to note that the Labour bill was originally designed to crack down on sex shops. Lumping these together with head shops as undesirable businesses is conceptually unhelpful – unlike drugs, sex is never bad for you, no matter how much you do it – but does tell us something about how politicians and society view these outlets.
It’s a natural point of view. Most of us have the sort of innate conservatism that makes one feel uneasy about, say, a sex shop near a primary school. There’s not much of a rational basis to it, unless you envisage gibbering gimps emerging periodically to lure little children into their pit of depravity, but you’d just feel happier if it wasn’t there, and was safely down in a basement somewhere in Dublin 8.
They are seedy. There’s no denying that. A faint air of disreputability constantly clings to them, rather like those 24-hour casinos. Even when what they sell is legal and always will be so, as with sex aids and pornography, they’re just not kosher, not mainstream, not OK to walk into for a scope around. You can’t put these sort of establishments beside a hairdresser’s, butcher’s and post office – or, God forbid, a school – what kind of message would that send?
Well, it would send the message that sex is nothing to get worked up about, figuratively speaking, once you’ve passed the age of 20 or so. It would send the message that gambling at four am after a nightclub is a bad idea, but only for that particular punter. And it would establish that drugs are only bad if you misuse them.
We use drugs in a variety of ways and for a variety of reasons, one of which is recreation. It may be a pity that people use drugs like alcohol to further social intercourse (commonly in the hopes of furthering a different kind of intercourse) but from a societal standpoint we understand it, and from a political standpoint we don’t see any need to ban it.
Where there are health risks, people ought to be allowed to reflect on whether they want to run it in the interests of a good time. If something is going to kill you outright, granted, there’s not much sense in legalising it. But for a product that has shifting and variable side-effects, dependent on frequency of use and even your genetic predisposition, why not take a decision on whether or not to use it? This is, after all, what we do with alcohol.
The same ought to hold true for other recreational drugs, including legal highs, and things like cannabis that are currently banned. Many of them will cause you some degree of harm, generally less than that of alcohol, and normally only if you abuse it, mix it or take it in some unimaginably vast quantities. (I’m sure mephedrone could eventually kill you, in the same way that eating too many bananas is supposed to give you lethal potassium poisoning, and it is possible to die of over-hydration if you drink water non-stop for hours at a stretch. That’s not really the point.)
The Labour bill, insofar as it has its roots in populist conservatism, is therefore more than a little misguided. But a requirement of planning permission for head shops, or even a more wide-ranging system of licencing, is actually a fine idea, so long as it is not merely a tool to bully them out of business. They would help them shake their down-market image, insofar as that is possible, and help ensure that nothing illegal or dangerous reaches their shelves. You could require that products be properly labelled, for example, so that people know what they’re getting and exactly what it might do them. The provision of information enhances personal autonomy.
There’s a social context to recreational drug use as well. The reason the media seem to think that these dozens of head shops around the country only existed since January is because there aren’t social problems associated with the products they sell. You’d certainly worry if you saw people walking around stoned in the middle of the day, or turning up to work off-their-tits on bath salts, in just the same way you don’t want to see people drinking vodka in Mass. There’s a time and a place; most users of receational drugs know this.
Once you accept that getting high is no different and no more harmful than getting drunk, legal highs start to look pretty good. They certainly look a lot better than illegal highs, not necessarily because they are less harmful, but because they don’t fund crime. The best argument for head shops is that they give you a way to buy drugs without going to a dealer. As we’ve seen, you might not particularly like the look of the guy behind the counter in a head shop, but presumably he pays his taxes. If he doesn’t, that’s a matter for the Revenue Commissioners.
The first quote I used in paragraph two was lifted from an article by Professor David Nutt, who was forced to step down as an advisor on drugs policy to UK government after calling for cannabis to be regulated according to the harm it causes. On the facts, as Professor Nutt interprets them, this is not very much at all – but it suited the government to posture, to reclassify cannabis as a more dangerous Class B prohibited drug, instead of engaging with this reality.
Irish policy-makers are no better. Although it’s tempting to see the election of Luke “Ming the Merciless” Flanagan to Roscommon County Council as a harbinger of change, most politicans are still going to be guided by popular misconceptions rather than take a more nuanced approach to drugs in Irish society. As we have seen, this does nothing to add to public safety, restricts personal choice and allows criminals and publicans to retain control of most of the market for recreational drugs.
So by all means, head shops could do with some regulation. But using regulation to drive them out of business is a bad idea.

 
Provost-in-waiting?
Written by Lara Hand   

Professor Ferdinand von Prondzynski is the current President of Dublin City University and his ten-year term will come to an end in July 2010. This begs the question: what will such an esteemed academic do next? There are rumours that he may be considered for the distinguished position of Provost of Trinity; while these have not been confirmed it is not entirely out of the bounds of possibility as, coincidentally, the current Provost John Hegarty’s ten-year term comes to an end in 2011. Arguably, the more pertinent issue is not whether Professor Ferdinand von Prondzynski will apply for the post of Provost or not, but whether he would be an apposite candidate and ultimately make a good Provost.
Professor Ferdinand von Prondzynski has a fascinating family history; he is an Irish citizen of German origin. He comes from a military heritage, a direct descendant of his namesake Ferdinand von Prondzynski, a 19th-century Prussian General from Groschowitz near Oppeln in Silesia (now Groszowice, near Opole in Poland). His grandfather fought in WWI and his father was a Captain during WWII and a Knight of the Order of Malta. Later his father became a director of the cement-producing company, Dyckerhoff AG.
Professor Ferdinand von Prondzynski’s academic career began in Trinity; he graduated in 1978 with a BA and an LLB. He subsequently went on to obtain a PhD in Law from Cambridge. From 1980 to 1990 he was a Lecturer in the School of Business Studies in Trinity and became a Fellow of the College in 1987. He earned the nickname the “Red Baron” due to his views on industrial relations and labour law which were notably sympathetic to trade unions. He continued to be highly influential in these two areas as an active commentator and he co-authored the first Irish textbook on employment law.
Initially he argued for a disengagement of the law from industrial relations, believing that disputes were better resolved through bargaining rather than litigation and this was a very modern and forward-thinking approach for its time. His ideas were expressed in his book Freedom of Association and Industrial Relations (Mansell, 1987). Significantly, the recently established Commercial Court, which was set up specifically to deal with commercial disputes more expeditiously and expediently through encouraging and facilitating the use of alternate dispute resolution (ADR) methods rather than them culminating in a trial, concurs with this view.
Later his views began to moderate and he argued for a framework of employment regulation that took account of economic pressures and the need to maintain competitive conditions. He more prominently advocates that while the law should protect employees’ rights, it must also promote business success and economic growth, obviously a highly topical and concerning issue at present. He has also published a number of books and articles on social policy and in particular on the importance of legal protection against discrimination.
From 1991 to 2000, until he became President of DCU, von Prondzynski was Professor of Law in the University of Hull; for much of that time he was also a Dean: first of the School of Law, and later of the Faculty of Social Sciences.
It is interesting to note that during his Presidency of DCU there has been some controversy involving industrial relations disputes between the University and tenured academic staff. Three incidents reached the stage of litigation, peculiarly in the precise area of legal expertise – employment law. None of the actions were directed at von Prondzynski personally but he was involved in all of them.
On a personal level Ferdinand von Prondzynski is married to Dr. Heather Ingman, a novelist and Lecturer in English Literature in Trinity, and an occasional writer in The Irish Times with whom he has two sons. Von Prondzynski is a member of the Church of Ireland and an enthusiastic follower of Newcastle United football club. He is also a keen amateur photographer, and DCU has published several calendars of his photographs.
Von Prondzynski writes a fascinating blog (which is well worth having a quick read of) dealing with topics mainly relating – but certainly not limited – to higher education and public policy: (universitydiary.wordpress.com) It is succinct and insightful and focuses on pressing issues of education and employment that are extremely relevant to students; for example some of the recent topics discussed range from grade inflation to gender quotas in politics.
In conclusion, it seems that Professor von Prondzynski would certainly make an excellent Provost, not solely because of his undoubted academic stature and leadership experience in DCU, but because he is engaged and active in contemporary issues that matter, especially to students. He displays a critical, questioning and challenging attitude that all students should aspire to. This is perhaps best expressed and epitomised in his comment on his blog regarding the disapproval of Brother Shaun O’Connor of people attending a rugby match on Good Friday: “In fact, the one who died on Good Friday had a habit of mocking the rules and restrictions of the religious hierarchy of the time.”

 
“Infamy, infamy – they have all got it in for me.”
Written by Gary Gannon   

It is often said that you can determine how bad your situation really is by the calibre of those who attempt to help you out; well a slight variance to that old cliché may very well apply to the much deplored Malcolm Glazer. The owner of Manchester United is so unpopular that a motley crew of city bankers have began circling “The Theatre of Dreams” to the enormous approval of United fans, agitating to buy out the American tycoon. We shall return to these “Red Knights” as they like to be known later, but first, in full acknowledgement and respect of the fact that it is these same fans who make Manchester United great, allow me to begin by threading very carefully.
The Glazer dynasty is bad for Manchester United and indeed football as a whole, very bad. The Glazers arrived at United in 2005 without a proverbial pot in which they could relieve themselves in and, as it stands at this point, have plunged the never-previously-in-debt Red Devils £700 million into the red. A shocking statistic on its own but one further compounded by a recent UEFA announcement which decreed that as of the beginning of the 2013-14 season, clubs who wish to compete in the highly lucrative European Champions League will need to demonstrate to the governing body that their financial books exist in a peaceful state of equilibrium. Further added to this toxic potion are rising ticket prices, further emphasis on attracting the “Corporate Customer” and the knowledge that Malcolm Glazer treats Old Trafford like his own personal bank machine. Had United not raised £80 million in the sale of Christiano Ronaldo then the club would have ended last year with a financial deficit of £30.8 million, it is clear that something must be done.
But what can be done? Before we sell our soul completely to the devil in exchange for a solution, let us first apply to the “Dark One” for the position of advocacy. Allow me to be frank here: this consortium of city bankers, who have labelled themselves “The Red Knights”, have an absolute shambles of a proposal on the table at the moment which is receiving so much publicity purely because of the absence of any other alternative. For those of you who aren’t familiar with the power struggle taking place at Old Trafford at the moment, think of Pontius Pilate asking the baying mob of biblical times to choose between Jesus Christ and the murderer Barabbas at the festival of Passover. These “Red Knights” come with some pretty formidable experience it must be said; Goldman Sachs chief economist Jim O’Neill and hedge fund owner Paul Marshall being just a couple of the names attempting to revive the reputation of the banking sector on the back of Manchester United. The proposal itself is, according to how cynical the eye of the beholder happens to be, extremely ambitious or extremely unrealistic. Through initial proposals with the Manchester United Supporters Trust (MUST) the “Red Knights” have explained that they plan on recruiting 50 “high net-worth” individuals who will each contribute in the region of £10-15 million in order to raise £500 million. Still running a little short, what they then plan to do is to rouse a further 100 less wealthy though no less altruistic souls who are willing to part with between £1-5 million in the restoration of Manchester United’s glory. Ok, unlikely but not nearly as laughable as the final cog in the shining armour of these “Red Knights” who then want the fans to put their hard-earned money where their mouth is and, as members of MUST, each contribute a whopping £2500 each!
Now you will not find any in-depth knowledge of the complexities of investment banking in this article, but at the very least we have all seen Dragons’ Den and we know that when these wealthy folk invest their money, they want more than a say in how the company is run. In football, democracy does not work; at Liverpool, they have two equal-sharing owners whose constant bickering has torn the very heart out of the club and, more importantly, has descended on to the pitch were Liverpool are a shadow of their former selves. What sort of chaos would unfold if United had 60 screaming voices in the boardroom? Apologists for the Glazer clan often present an altogether too easy to make rebuttal to accusations of mismanagement on their behalf; one almost feels guilty saying it but under the reign of Glazer, on the field at least, Manchester United have been very successful. In fact, though United’s trophy cabinets have never really been short of silverware, it could be argued that since United are currently contesting their fourth successive league title, have reached the finals of the past two Champions League campaigns and have just recently destroyed AC Milan to ease into the quarter-final of this current European campaign, the period coinciding with the Glazer tenure has been the most successful in the history of the club. Of course, this success has far more to do with the management skills of Alex Ferguson and the exceptional talent at his disposal than the ownership of Malcolm Glazer, but it is important to recognise that the Glazer era has not had the same type of counter-productive impact on Manchester United as, say, Hicks and Gillett have had on Liverpool, Berlusconi on Milan or Florentino Perez has had on Real Madrid.
In fact, the Glazer family has been positively cordial in their handling of the protests that have greeted their every appearance in Old Trafford. They have maintained a very dignified silence which has served not to inflame the supporters’ anger – the son of a Liverpool co-owner encouraged a protesting Liverpool supporter to acquaint himself orally with the board member’s genitallia. They have not attempted to employ any tacky publicity stunts and left the day-to-day running of the company to chief executive David Gill and Sir Alex Ferguson. The most concerning aspect of this very impressive fan protest is what would happen if the fans actually did somehow manage to wrestle control of the club? Manchester United have not been a local club in the traditional sense in many decades and it would be quite interesting to witness what exactly would happen if a certain number of fans actually did feel they had more of a stake in the club than others. This is the case in Italy where a relatively small number of “Ultra” supporters have a disproportionately large say in how the club operates. This has resulted in a serious case of what you could term as “Supporter Elitism”, where most stadiums are now only half-full on match days because the supporters who actually have real lives Monday-to-Friday feel like second-class citizens in these grounds and so stay away. Manchester United means so much to so many; most fans could tell you the moment they began truly “following United”. For me, it was the final day of the 1992-93 season; United, having already won the league, were beaten by Blackburn 2-1 when Gary Pallister, being the only member of the team not to have scored, came up and sunk a free-kick into the bottom corner. But, so too can I tell you the day that my support will end: it will be the day when some self-righteous fan accuses me of being a second-class supporter because I was unwilling to part with £2,500 to rid my team of a man who we feel is trying to exploit us of our hard-earned cash.
There is another danger, one which isn’t intended to be insulting but will no doubt manifest itself that way: David O’ Leary once unwisely said that fans are fickle and it is with this testament that I am inclined to agree. These same United fans who are calling for Malcolm Glazer’s head on the boardroom floor were once calling for Sir Alex Ferguson’s head, granting him a brief stay of execution only after a Mark Robinson winner in an FA Cup tie against Norwich in the eighties. Darren Fletcher has become one of the most complete midfielders in world football, but just two years ago he was appreciated by the Red Devils faithful about as much as an episode of “Robbie Fowler: This is Your Life”. This isn’t a fickle affliction which solely affects Man Utd supporters. Newcastle United, for instance, have one of those “local businessmen done good”, who they carried to power on a wave of popular triumphalism the likes of which are usually reserved for African dictators; then, when things got bad, the fans grabbed their pitchforks and banished this local monster of consumerism out of the stadium. Now times are looking good again, the Geordie faithful are considering letting him back in. Malcolm Glazer isn’t perfect – he doesn’t even come close to that – but neither are these “Red Knights”, nor perhaps any other potential owner of such an enormous economical asset as Manchester Unite. As fans, perhaps we should just take a step back, breathe, reassess the situation and see if that which glistens really is Green and Gold.

 
Tiernan & O’Carroll Kelly: the real Irish culture?
Written by Cathal Wogan   

Voices and words. It’s always voices and words, or voices about words. Contemporary society. Irish literature. The latter hasn’t embraced the former. Or has it? I’m not going to be so stupid as to decide one way or the other. Luckily, Julian Gough, god’s gift to literature and self-appointed arbiter of literary distinction, has investigated the issue for us. First of all though, a digression.
Whenever my old man sees me struggling to write something, he always tells me to start with a quote, or to shove a good one in wherever I’m stuck. So here’s a quote. A clever man once said a clever thing: “tradition is the illusion of permanence”. That’s Woody Allen. Very clever. Keep that in mind, we’ll come back to it. Anyway. Julian Gough.
“I hardly read Irish writers any more,” says Gough, “I’ve been disappointed so often.” For the sake of a bit of fun and controversy, I would love to be able to say that Gough has launched a scathing attack on the Irish writers. Unfortunately, that isn’t really the case. Rather, he scribbled on his blog. However, The Guardian did pick up on his words and a little bit of a storm has brewed in the tiny teacup that is popular literary criticism. Gough did quite a bit of scribbling actually, so it might be worthwhile to sample his words on the Irish writers that he, by his own admission, hardly reads anymore.
“To revive a useful old Celtic literary-critical expression: I puke my ring. And the older, more sophisticated Irish writers that want to be Nabokov give me the yellow squirts and a scaldy hole. If there is a movement in Ireland, it is backwards. Novel after novel set in the nineteen seventies, sixties, fifties. Reading award-winning Irish literary fiction, you wouldn’t know television had been invented.”
According to Gough, contemporary Irish writers are out of date. They are only contemporary insofar as they exist and write now. They don’t really have any meaningful link to modern society and seem to be in denial of their position within it, clinging to the past in dour nostalgia.
“I don’t get the impression many Irish writers have played Grand Theft Auto, or bought an X-Box, or watched Youporn. Really, Irish literary writers have become a priestly caste, scribbling by candlelight, cut off from the electric current of the culture. We’ve abolished the Catholic clergy, and replaced them with novelists. They wear black, they preach, they are concerned for our souls. Feck off.”
There must be concessions, surely. Yes, there are. Young Irish literary talent exists. Gough kindly gives a few suggestions as to where that talent lies. Among the literature suggested was something a little alarming. Guess. Just guess. For Christ’s sake. Obviously. Those Ross O’Carroll Kelly books.
“For me, the only writer to grab the Celtic Tiger by the tail and pull hard while the tiger roared was Ross O’Carroll Kelly, the pseudonym of Paul Howard. And that was a newspaper column, collected every year into a new book – read them all if you want to understand Ireland’s rise and fall. No other writer caught it while it happened.”
Brilliant. Gough champions Howard’s books as the “best, funniest, and most historically important run of Irish satirical journalism since Myles na gCopaleen.” Should I take these books apart? I should, they deserve it, but I won’t. I have to argue. I have to get back to Woody Allen. Remember him?
Tradition is the illusion of permanence. Tradition is supposed to trickle down through passing generations, to defeat time by preserving something, whatever it may be, good or bad. The Irish literary tradition is notorious, producing a ripple effect that is, for a comparatively small speck on the globe, disproportionately large. Consistently Ireland has known itself as a land of literary scholars. I think Gough (who?) has bought into that.
Tradition is the illusion of permanence. The real problem with Irish literature, what is not taken into account by Gough and the many that share his opinions, is that this lettered legacy is just a tradition. It is a fallacy. It is an illusion. It does not mean that Irish literature has a divine right to be brilliant at all. We as an island of emotional, imaginative and humourous wordsmiths feel we can just spew whatever runs through our stream of consciousness and it will be art. It will enlighten a world devoid of passion and fire as only the words of an Irish man or woman can.
Note: Gough uses Tommy Tiernan as an example of Ireland’s wonderful voice. “Tommy Tiernan is Ireland’s most philosophical voice, but he has chosen stand-up comedy as his way of delivering his philosophical prose ... On the right night you will end up on the floor weeping tears of laughter and recognition as he takes Ireland apart.” This is rubbish. Tommy Tiernan is a twit who swears too much, has a mildly amusing accent played for lowbrow laughs and abandoned satire a decade ago to please the glorious graduates of Copper Face Jacks who fill Vicar Street to see him.
Tradition is the illusion of permanence. Maybe what Gough fails to state is his assumption that Irish literature is failing by not advancing its position as traditionally remarkable. This position is not permanent, obviously. If the best we can produce is Ross O’Carroll Kelly and Tommy Tiernan then it is difficult to see how Julian Gough can be so hopeful. Striving for greatness is a noble act, but to assume greatness is an Irish illusion of permanence.

 
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